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Die langersehnten Ferien stehen vor der Tür – und damit auch das Kofferpacken. Für viele eine mühsame Aufgabe, doch mit unseren Tipps wird es zum Kinderspiel. So packst du stressfrei und vergisst garantiert nichts!

Knapp ein Jahr nach dem Abbruch des Kleinen Nesthorns ist Blatten im Walliser Lötschental erneut in Alarmbereitschaft. Diesmal droht der Oigschtchummun-Gletscher teilweise abzubrechen. Nach gefährlichen Eisabbrüchen überwachen Experten das Gebiet mit modernster Technik.

Nicht schon wieder! Die Preise an Schweizer Tankstellen klettern erneut – diesmal um 4 Rappen pro Liter. Just vor dem verlängerten Wochenende, an dem Hunderttausende auf Achse sind. Und trotz einer Entspannung an den Rohölmärkten. Im Ausland ists billiger.

1243 Lokale sind im neuen «Berg-Beizli-Führer» aufgelistet – 10 Adressen, die man zu Fuss in unter einer Stunde erreicht!

Im WM-Kader der Engländer fehlen einige prominente Namen. Dafür hat Trainer Thomas Tuchel auch die eine oder andere Überraschung parat.

Joël Mall verlässt Servette Genf nach drei Jahren. Der 35-Jährige wechselt zu YB in die Bundesstadt, dort wird er hinter Marvin Keller als Nummer 2 fungieren.

Dans un contexte mondial d’inflation persistante, le cabinet Nigeria Housing Market vient de publier son classement annuel des dix pays africains les moins chers pour […]

L’article L’Algérie dans le top 5 des pays les moins chers pour les expatriés en 2026 (Nigeria Housing Market) est apparu en premier sur .

Main agenda items, approximate timing, public sessions and press opportunities.

Remarks by Eurogroup President Kyriakos Pierrakakis on the situation in the Middle East, economic outlook, housing and the digital euro.

The Council decided to extend the scope of existing EU’s restrictive measures in view of Iran’s military support to Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and to armed groups and entities in the Middle East and the Red Sea region, to target individuals and entities threatening the freedom of navigation in the Middle East.

The Council formally adopts rules to strengthen the welfare and traceability of cats and dogs.

Trade: Council signs off reinforced rules on trade preferences for developing countries

The EU suspends tariffs for one year on nitrogen-based fertiliser products used in agriculture to help lower costs for industry and consumers and diversify supply chains.

Iliman Ndiaye affirme que le Sénégal est champion d'Afrique aux yeux de « beaucoup de monde » malgré une querelle juridique sur la destination ultime du titre de la CAN 2025.

Plymouth Argyle striker Owen Oseni says he was in "disbelief" after being called up to the Nigeria squad.

Le calendrier de vaccination obligatoire en Algérie évolue avec l’entrée en vigueur d’un nouveau cadre réglementaire publié dans le dernier numéro du Journal officiel (n°36, […]

L’article Révision du calendrier vaccinal au Journal officiel : ces vaccins deviennent obligatoires en Algérie est apparu en premier sur .

Először találkozott személyesen Orbán Anita magyar és Andrij Szibiha ukrán külügyminiszter, és megállapodtak, hogy a jövő héten folytatódnak a kétoldalú szakértői konzultációk a nemzeti kisebbségekről - jelentette be az X-en az ukrán diplomácia vezetője.

International donors commit substantial resources to GovTech projects (the application of information and communication technologies to government functions). World Bank GovTech investments alone have exceeded $118 billion over the last three decades. Donor strategy documents consistently frame digital transformation not only as a vehicle for improved effectiveness but also for strengthening democracy.
Autocrats are equally invested in these tools. Globally, at least 88 authoritarian regimes currently operate GovTech projects, and electoral autocracies receive the largest share of GovTech aid (48.6 per cent of commitments). Beyond well-known surveillance applications, autocracies deploy GovTech for service delivery, grievance redress and even citizen engagement. These platforms are deployed to project an image of responsiveness and legitimacy. Our experimental evidence from Turkey shows how efficiency-enhancing GovTech tools, when paired with sophisticated regime communication, can durably entrench autocratic rule. We designed a survey experiment focused on CIMER, Turkey’s widely used citizen petition platform, to examine how citizens respond to the government propaganda surrounding it. The results show that the government’s framing of CIMER as an effective tool that “gets things done” significantly increased trust in authoritarian institutions, even among regime opponents. The effect extended beyond attitudes to behaviour: Asked to allocate a hypothetical donation of money among state institutions, independent non-governmental organisations (NGOs) or themselves, anti-government respondents exposed to messages on the platform were significantly more likely to give the money to state institutions. Our recommendations are as follows:
• Donors must take the second-order effects of GovTech initiatives seriously and develop mechanisms to carefully evaluate the risks of unintended consequences. In many cases, support for GovTech projects is overly optimistic regarding their effects on political openness. Adopting a more context-sensitive and realistic approach demands detailed political economy assessments before supporting GovTech projects and developing monitoring metrics that capture potential regime-legitimation effects.
• Donors need to build stronger safety guardrails into these projects. Depending on the political economy assessments, such measures could include the institutional involvement of international organisations or, if feasible, local NGOs (as conditionality) in platform oversight, mandatory independent audits and open data standards by design, among others.
• Finally, donors need to consider actively participating in public communication on these platforms, with visible donor branding, to counter government-controlled propaganda, claim credit for service delivery and strengthen trust in donor countries and organisations.

International donors commit substantial resources to GovTech projects (the application of information and communication technologies to government functions). World Bank GovTech investments alone have exceeded $118 billion over the last three decades. Donor strategy documents consistently frame digital transformation not only as a vehicle for improved effectiveness but also for strengthening democracy.
Autocrats are equally invested in these tools. Globally, at least 88 authoritarian regimes currently operate GovTech projects, and electoral autocracies receive the largest share of GovTech aid (48.6 per cent of commitments). Beyond well-known surveillance applications, autocracies deploy GovTech for service delivery, grievance redress and even citizen engagement. These platforms are deployed to project an image of responsiveness and legitimacy. Our experimental evidence from Turkey shows how efficiency-enhancing GovTech tools, when paired with sophisticated regime communication, can durably entrench autocratic rule. We designed a survey experiment focused on CIMER, Turkey’s widely used citizen petition platform, to examine how citizens respond to the government propaganda surrounding it. The results show that the government’s framing of CIMER as an effective tool that “gets things done” significantly increased trust in authoritarian institutions, even among regime opponents. The effect extended beyond attitudes to behaviour: Asked to allocate a hypothetical donation of money among state institutions, independent non-governmental organisations (NGOs) or themselves, anti-government respondents exposed to messages on the platform were significantly more likely to give the money to state institutions. Our recommendations are as follows:
• Donors must take the second-order effects of GovTech initiatives seriously and develop mechanisms to carefully evaluate the risks of unintended consequences. In many cases, support for GovTech projects is overly optimistic regarding their effects on political openness. Adopting a more context-sensitive and realistic approach demands detailed political economy assessments before supporting GovTech projects and developing monitoring metrics that capture potential regime-legitimation effects.
• Donors need to build stronger safety guardrails into these projects. Depending on the political economy assessments, such measures could include the institutional involvement of international organisations or, if feasible, local NGOs (as conditionality) in platform oversight, mandatory independent audits and open data standards by design, among others.
• Finally, donors need to consider actively participating in public communication on these platforms, with visible donor branding, to counter government-controlled propaganda, claim credit for service delivery and strengthen trust in donor countries and organisations.

International donors commit substantial resources to GovTech projects (the application of information and communication technologies to government functions). World Bank GovTech investments alone have exceeded $118 billion over the last three decades. Donor strategy documents consistently frame digital transformation not only as a vehicle for improved effectiveness but also for strengthening democracy.
Autocrats are equally invested in these tools. Globally, at least 88 authoritarian regimes currently operate GovTech projects, and electoral autocracies receive the largest share of GovTech aid (48.6 per cent of commitments). Beyond well-known surveillance applications, autocracies deploy GovTech for service delivery, grievance redress and even citizen engagement. These platforms are deployed to project an image of responsiveness and legitimacy. Our experimental evidence from Turkey shows how efficiency-enhancing GovTech tools, when paired with sophisticated regime communication, can durably entrench autocratic rule. We designed a survey experiment focused on CIMER, Turkey’s widely used citizen petition platform, to examine how citizens respond to the government propaganda surrounding it. The results show that the government’s framing of CIMER as an effective tool that “gets things done” significantly increased trust in authoritarian institutions, even among regime opponents. The effect extended beyond attitudes to behaviour: Asked to allocate a hypothetical donation of money among state institutions, independent non-governmental organisations (NGOs) or themselves, anti-government respondents exposed to messages on the platform were significantly more likely to give the money to state institutions. Our recommendations are as follows:
• Donors must take the second-order effects of GovTech initiatives seriously and develop mechanisms to carefully evaluate the risks of unintended consequences. In many cases, support for GovTech projects is overly optimistic regarding their effects on political openness. Adopting a more context-sensitive and realistic approach demands detailed political economy assessments before supporting GovTech projects and developing monitoring metrics that capture potential regime-legitimation effects.
• Donors need to build stronger safety guardrails into these projects. Depending on the political economy assessments, such measures could include the institutional involvement of international organisations or, if feasible, local NGOs (as conditionality) in platform oversight, mandatory independent audits and open data standards by design, among others.
• Finally, donors need to consider actively participating in public communication on these platforms, with visible donor branding, to counter government-controlled propaganda, claim credit for service delivery and strengthen trust in donor countries and organisations.