In 2026, the U.S. population is estimated by the Census Bureau at nearly 343 million, about 135 times larger than the population in 1776. Credit: Shutterstock
By Joseph Chamie
PORTLAND, USA, Jun 3 2026 (IPS)
In 2026, the population of the United States is significantly larger, older, and more diverse than it was 250 years ago when the country declared its independence from the Kingdom of Great Britain on July 4, 1776.
The population of the thirteen British colonies in North America in 1776 is estimated to have been approximately 2.5 million people, or 0.7% of the current size of the United States.
The 1776 estimate included both free inhabitants and enslaved individuals, with around 20% of the population – about half a million people – being enslaved. However, these estimates did not include the indigenous population.
Before the 1770s, the indigenous populations residing in the thirteen colonies of Great Britain had already suffered significant population declines over previous centuries. These declines were the result of diseases brought by Europeans, massacres, displacement from their lands, and continuing conflicts with the colonists over land, water, and natural resources.
Since no census enumerated the indigenous peoples, no official population figures exist for them in 1776. However, modern historical estimates suggest that more than a quarter million indigenous people lived east of the Mississippi River, organized into more than 80 distinct nations and speaking dozens of languages.
Among these indigenous nations were the Wampanoag, Narragansett, Lenni Lenape, Powhatan, Pequot, Mohegan, Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca, Tuscarora, Susquehannock, Abenaki, Cherokee, Catawba, Muscogee, Yamasee, Lenni, and Chickasaw.
The first population census of the expanded United States, mandated by the Constitution and conducted in 1790, counted nearly 4 million residents, of whom close to 18% were enslaved.
Indigenous people living in the United States were not included in the 1790 census. Historical estimates, however, indicate that the indigenous population within the newly established nation was approximately 600,000.
By 1861, at the start of the country’s civil war, the U.S. population had grown to approximately 31.4 million, of which 13% were enslaved, according to the eighth decennial census, which included 33 states and 10 organized territories.
In 1890, the country’s census attempted to enumerate indigenous people living in the United States. Their population was reported to number around 250,000, which is believed to be a significant undercount of the actual size of the indigenous population. The current estimate for the indigenous population in the United States is between 6.8 million and 9.1 million people, making up approximately 2% to 3% of the total U.S. population.
In 1976, two hundred years after the signing of the Declaration of Independence, the population of the United States had grown to approximately 218 million. Looking ahead to 2026, the mid-year estimate for the U.S. population, according to the Census Bureau, is nearly 343 million, which is about 135 times larger than the population in 1776.
According to the Census Bureau’s main series population projections, the U.S. population is expected to reach a peak of nearly 370 million in 2080 before gradually declining to 366 million by 2100 (Figure 1).
Source: U.S. Census Bureau.
International migration played a significant role in the growth of the U.S. population. Without international migration since 1776, the estimated hypothetical population of the United States in 2026 would be approximately 153 million. This figure is roughly 190 million fewer than the actual U.S. population, highlighting the enormous impact migration has had on the country’s demographic development.
While the population of the U.S. is expected to continue growing, it is expected to do so at a slower rate than in recent years. The nation’s growth rate has decreased over the past two decades, going from about 10% growth between 2000 and 2010 to 7.4% between 2010 and 2020 and is predicted to further decline to around 5.5% between 2020 and 2030.
Due to immigration, the U.S. population is expected to continue growing, reaching nearly 370 million by 2080, then slightly declining to 366 million by the end of the century. Without future immigration, the U.S. population is estimated to be 117 million smaller, at 226 million by the end of the 21st century
In the coming decades of the 21st century, the U.S. population will continue to undergo changes due to the three main demographic drivers: births, deaths and migration.
Currently births outnumber deaths, resulting in a positive natural population increase. However, the U.S. fertility rate, which reached lows of 1.63 births per woman in 2024 and 1.57 births per woman in 2025, has been generally below the replacement level of 2.1 births per woman since 1971 and consistently below the replacement level since 2007.
Due to the country’s low fertility rates, deaths in the U.S. are expected to outnumber births by 2040 and are projected to continue doing so throughout the rest of the 21st century. By 2080, the Census Bureau expects that the number of deaths will exceed the number of births by approximately one million.
Immigration to the U.S. is still occurring, but at a slower pace compared to recent years, resulting in a decreased rate of population growth.
The Census Bureau’s main series population projection assumes that net international migration will remain close to one million per year for the rest of the 21st century.
Due to immigration, the U.S. population is expected to continue growing, reaching nearly 370 million by 2080, then slightly declining to 366 million by the end of the century. Without future immigration, the U.S. population is estimated to be 117 million smaller, at 226 million by the end of the 21st century.
Another significant change in the U.S. population is demographic ageing.
In 1776, a notable demographic characteristic of the 13 colonies was their young age structure. For example, the median age of this population was estimated to be approximately 16 years.
In the early years of the United States, individuals over 70 years old were relatively uncommon. In the New England colonies, almost one-third of the population was under 21. Life expectancy at birth was low, approximately 35 to 40 years, mainly due to high rates of infant and child mortality. More than two hundred years later, life expectancy at birth in the U.S. is estimated to be approximately 79 years.
In the first U.S. census in 1790, the median age had changed little, remaining at approximately 16 years.
By 1820, the median age had increased to about 16.7 years. By 1860, the estimated median age of the U.S. population had increased to approximately 19 years, reflecting relatively high fertility levels and short life expectancies.
At the start of the 20th century, the median age of the U.S. population had increased slightly to approximately 23 years and reached 35 years at the end of the 20th century. By 2026, the median age is estimated to have reached about 39 years and it is projected to increase to 41 years by 2050 (Figure 2).
Source: U.S. Census Bureau.
In addition to population growth and demographic ageing, the ethnic composition of the U.S. population has also undergone significant changes. As the country’s composition changes, the major ethnic categories of the U.S. population compiled by the government have also changed.
Since the Declaration of Independence in 1776, the population of the United States has significantly increased from several million to 343 million, largely due to immigration.
The proportion of foreign-born individuals in the U.S. has varied considerably over the past several centuries. During the second half of the 19th century, the proportion hit a high of 14.8% in 1890. Throughout the 20th century, the proportion declined to a low of 4.7% in 1970. More recently, the foreign-born proportion reached a historic high in 2024 at 15.6% (Figure 3).
Source: U.S. Census Bureau.
Approximately half of all U.S. immigrants (52%, or 26.7 million people) were born in Latin America, while around a quarter (27%, or 14 million) were born in Asia.
By 2023, the estimated numbers of immigrants from the top five countries, which make up nearly half of the entire foreign-born population, are: Mexico (11.4 million), India (3.2 million), China (3.0 million), the Philippines (2.1 million), and Cuba (1.7 million).
Additionally, the indigenous population in the United States is estimated to be between 7 and 9 million people, including those who identify as American Indian or Alaska Native, either alone or in combination with other races. This accounts for approximately 2% to 3% of the total U.S. population.
In summary, since declaring its independence from Great Britain 250 years ago, the population of the United States has grown significantly larger, older, and more diverse.
Much of this population growth is credited to the country’s open door immigration policy, as symbolized by the famous lines at the base of the Statue of Liberty: “Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me, I lift my lamp beside the golden door!”
With ongoing immigration to the United States, the current population of about 343 million is projected to continue growing and reach a peak of 370 million by 2080. However, without immigration, the U.S. population is expected to start declining in about twelve years and drop to 226 million by the end of the 21st century.
Joseph Chamie is a consulting demographer, a former director of the United Nations Population Division, and author of many publications on population issues.
Fear, stigma and discrimination still affect whether people with albinism can safely attend school, travel freely, seek employment or earn a living. Credit: UN Photo/Marie Frechon.
By Elizabeth Kamundia and Samer Muscati
NAIROBI, Jun 3 2026 (IPS)
When Patricia J. looks for work or shops at the outdoor markets near her home in rural Malawi, fear still follows her. Years after surviving two attacks linked to harmful beliefs about albinism, she says she remains constantly alert. “I still carry the fear that at any moment I can be attacked again,” she told us as we did research about conditions for people with albinism.
The experience of Patricia, whose surname is withheld for her privacy, reflects a painful reality. While killings and abductions of people with albinism have declined in Malawi in recent years following stronger government action and public attention, the legacy of violence continues to shape everyday life. Fear, stigma and discrimination still affect whether people with albinism can safely attend school, travel freely, seek employment or earn a living.
These experiences are not isolated incidents. Together, they reveal how stigma, discrimination, insecurity, and inadequate social protection reinforce a cycle of social and economic exclusion and poverty.
A new joint report by Human Rights Watch and the African Albinism Network documents how people with albinism in Malawi face widespread discrimination in employment and barriers to education, health care and social security that trap many in poverty and ongoing fear of violence
A new joint report by Human Rights Watch and the African Albinism Network documents how people with albinism in Malawi face widespread discrimination in employment and barriers to education, health care and social security that trap many in poverty and ongoing fear of violence.
Malawi was selected for this research because it has one of the largest documented populations of people with albinism in Africa and has faced some of the region’s most widely reported attacks linked to harmful myths about albinism.
While Malawi has taken notable steps in recent years, particularly to respond to killings and abductions, the discrimination and barriers documented in this report reflect broader challenges facing people with albinism across parts of sub-Saharan Africa. Again and again, people interviewed described how stigma follows them throughout their lives.
For many, social and economic exclusion begins in childhood. Children with albinism often face bullying at school, inaccessible classrooms, and limited accommodations for low vision. Although Malawi has taken some positive steps, including providing large-print materials for national examinations, support in school is inconsistent. These barriers contribute to high dropout rates.
The discrimination continues in the workplace. People with albinism reported being rejected at interviews the moment employers saw them, shut out of customer-facing roles, and denied jobs based on harmful stereotypes that they were incapable, fragile or a liability.
Rose M., a trained hotel worker, recalled entering a job interview and immediately hearing gasps. “When you send in your application, they don’t know you have albinism,” she said. “When you show up for the interview, the facial expressions tell you everything.”
Others described employers refusing to hire them because of fears they might be harmed while working outdoors. These concerns are often framed as protection, but in practice they become another form of exclusion.
People with albinism in Malawi face genuine health risks from prolonged sun exposure, including dramatically elevated rates of skin cancer, But instead of reasonable accommodations to ensure safety and healthy work conditions, such as providing protective clothing and sunscreen, and allowing flexible hours, or alternative tasks, many employers simply shut them out of work altogether.
Many people with albinism rely on subsistence farming or informal outdoor labor because formal employment opportunities are scarce. Several people said they worked in unsafe conditions outdoors because they had no other way to feed their families. One woman told us she abandoned treatment for cancer in part because she needed to continue earning money for her children.
Women and girls with albinism often face even greater barriers. People interviewed described heightened risks of sexual violence, harassment and abandonment, fueled in part by harmful myths, fetishization, and misconceptions surrounding women and girls with albinism.
Malawi’s government deserves credit for important recent reforms. The 2024 Persons with Disabilities Act includes protections against discrimination in employment and guarantees reasonable accommodation. The government also adopted a new National Disability Policy in 2025 and is expected to release a strengthened National Action Plan on Persons with Albinism this month.
But laws on paper are not enough.
Our research found that implementation remains weak. Many employers are unaware of their obligations. Workplace accommodations remain rare. Access to social security programs are inconsistent. Some officials themselves lacked awareness of key provisions of the disability law.
People with albinism should not have to choose between protecting their health and earning a living. They should not be excluded from jobs because of myths, fear or assumptions about incapacity. And they should not have to live in constant fear simply because of how they look.
International Albinism Awareness Day on June 13 should not only be a moment to condemn violence against people with albinism. It should also be a call to confront the subtler but pervasive forms of discrimination that continue every day in schools, workplaces and communities.
Malawi should move beyond treating people with albinism primarily as victims of violence and instead confront the deeper discrimination and exclusion that have continued long after the headlines have faded.
Patricia survived two attacks. But survival alone is not enough.
People with albinism in Malawi are entitled to what everyone else wants: safety, dignity, equal opportunity, belonging and the ability to work without fear.
Elizabeth Kamundia is disability rights director and Samer Muscati is deputy director, both at Human Rights Watch.
Credit: Adobe Stock Photo / Source: UN News
A staggering 55 million people across West and Central Africa are expected to suffer crisis levels of hunger, or worse, during the lean season from June to August as funding cuts to humanitarian operations continue amid rising violence and displacement. UN News January 2026
By Kester Kenn Klomegah
MOSCOW, Jun 3 2026 (IPS)
Within the framework of the Expert Council on Africa at Russia’s State Duma, the lower chamber of parliamentarians, during its annual round-table conference, held in late May 2026, focused concretely on food security in Africa.
The Expert Council has further outlined a strategic roadmap to raise collaboration in the sphere of food security, emphasizing the necessity to address policy inconsistencies that have generally dominated Russian-African relations since the Soviet collapse.
Under the chairmanship of Deputy Speaker of the State Duma, Alexander Babakov, the council’s round-table session on—Russian-African cooperation in the field of ensuring food security, introduction of closed cycle technologies in agricultural and bioeconomy projects—was held in the State Duma.
Opening the meeting, Alexander Babakov, noted the importance of continuing cooperation with African countries already in the new convocation of the State Duma, to which elections will be held in September 2026.
“I am sure that right from the beginning of the work of the new convocation, the theme of cooperation between Russia and African countries will work as an example for circulation and use in other areas,” he said.
A member of the Committee on the Development of the Far East and the Arctic, deputy chairman of the Expert Council on Africa, Nikolai Novichkov, in his speech stressed the importance of a gradual transition to trade with African high-tech countries. “Our African partners are interested in producing and processing food locally, including earning a living on it,” the parliamentarian stated.
The Director of the Department of Partnership with Africa at the Russian Foreign Ministry, Tatiana Dovgalenko, drew attention to the continued importance of the humanitarian component of Russian-African cooperation, which, despite efforts, “unforeseen including and along the lines of specialized UN agencies, the number of hungry people in the world, has been growing over the past few years.” According to Dovgalenko, the food crisis is localized in about 10 countries, four of which are in Africa.
There are still a few points to underline here: Russia is committed to supporting African countries in need of humanitarian assistance, while strengthening the prospects of developing and expanding aspects of bilateral cooperation. Russia has offered many African countries with food supplies over the years.
As traditionally expected, Africa can leverage for Russia’s food supplies. It is essential to acknowledge that serious efforts are being directed at coordinating mechanisms in advancing political dialogue and pursuing other sectoral cooperation with African partners.
At the same time, Foreign Ministry’s records show stages of supporting food security and African beneficiaries such as Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Mali, Mozambique, Madagascar, Libya, Sudan and South Sudan, and Zimbabwe. Mostly, ethnic-conflicting African countries are the beneficiaries, and many reasons are assigned for Russia’s engagement in this aspect of diplomacy.
Reasons for Development Assistance
Russia’s humanitarian and development assistance to Africa is primarily driven by its geopolitical ambitions to expand its global influence, counter Western isolation, secure access to vital natural resources, and foster dependency among African nations.
Countering Western Influence: Russia seeks to position itself as an alternative to Western powers, often advocating for a “multipolar world” and non-interference in the domestic affairs of African states. This approach is particularly appealing to authoritarian regimes on the continent.
Securing Diplomatic Alliances:
African nations represent a significant voting bloc at the United Nations General Assembly. Humanitarian outreach, such as free delivery of grains, helps Russia secure diplomatic support, strengthen food security and votes on key international resolutions.
Leveraging “Grain Diplomacy”:
By providing humanitarian food aid, Moscow mitigates the effects of the global food shortages and supply chain disruptions caused by its own military actions in Ukraine. It uses these provisions to maintain African countries within its geopolitical orbit.
Food Aid Deals:
Aid serves as an entry point for deeper strategic ties. Russia utilizes this assistance as part of its diplomacy to project an image of a benevolent global power. Funding and providing food assistance helps build long-term relationships with the continent’s future leaders and local populations.
As first deputy chairman of the Committee on International Affairs, Alexei Chepa noted at the State Duma, the food crisis and a number of other serious threats on the African continent are today exacerbated by a complex international, United States and Israel vs. Iran causing rising energy prices worldwide.
“This has also reflected on the cost of fertilizers that needed to be purchased previously. Even if prices fall in a few months, the yield still won’t. And there will be problems in Africa. At the same time, we understand that population growth in the coming years will be at Africa’s expense,” Chepa underlined in his contribution at the meeting.
Chepa also mentioned the special role of security enhancement in Africa, including in countering extremism and terrorism.
As part of the continuation of the work of the roundtable to promote cooperation with African countries in ensuring food security, the introduction of closed-loop technologies in agricultural and bio economics projects was discussed. As traditional procedure, some recommendations are addressed to the Government of the Russian Federation.
In addition to representatives of the State Duma, the State Duma’s deputy chairman Alexander Babakov, brought also representatives of ministries, related-agencies and departments, and the expert community to develop concrete steps directed toward raising connectivity between Russia and Africa, the main reason for establishing the State Duma’s Expert Council on the Development and Support of Comprehensive Partnerships with African Countries.
Kester Kenn Klomegah focuses on current geopolitical changes, foreign relations and economic development-related questions in Africa with external countries. Most of his well-resourced articles are reprinted in several reputable foreign media.
IPS UN Bureau
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Bonn, 3. Juni 2026. In vielen Ländern nehmen Armut und Ungleichheit zu. Investitionen in die soziale Absicherung sind vermutlich das einzige Gegenmittel.
In den vergangenen Jahrzehnten ist der Anteil der Menschen weltweit, die in extremer Armut leben, gesunken – mit Ausnahme der Zeit unmittelbar nach der Corona-Pandemie. Doch zuletzt stieg die absolute Zahl der in Armut lebenden Menschen wieder leicht an, und sie wird voraussichtlich nach 2030 weiter wachsen. Dies hat verschiedene Ursachen, u.a. die wachsende Zahl von Konflikten und extremen Wetterereignissen weltweit sowie die wirtschaftliche Stagnation vieler Länder. Zugleich bleiben die Ungleichheit und die Zahl hungernder Menschen weltweit groß und nehmen in vielen Ländern sogar zu.
Diese beunruhigenden Prognosen zeigen an, dass die globalen Anstrengungen im Kampf gegen Armut, Hunger und Ungleichheit verstärkt werden müssen. Es ist daher sehr zu begrüßen, dass das Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung (BMZ) diesen Kampf in seinem jüngsten Reformplan als erstes von vier Zielen beibehalten hat. Weniger klar ist allerdings, mit welchen Instrumenten das Ziel erreicht werden soll. Ohne soziale Sicherung, wozu beitragsfinanzierte Sozialversicherungen und steuerfinanzierte Programme wie Geldtransfers oder Cash-for-Work gehören, wird dies nicht möglich sein. Die Erfahrungen von Ländern weltweit zeigen, dass soziale Sicherung entscheidend für die Bekämpfung von Armut, Hunger und Ungleichheit ist. Nicht von ungefähr nennen die Vereinten Nationen sie als ersten Politikbereich unter dem ersten ihrer Ziele für nachhaltige Entwicklung (SDGs), welches sich mit der Beseitigung von Armut befasst. Das BMZ plant hingegen, sein Engagement für die soziale Sicherung in vielen seiner Partnerländer auslaufen zu lassen.
Wissenschaftler*innen der Tulane-Universität haben Belege erbracht, dass die meisten Länder mit niedrigem und mittlerem Einkommen Armut und Ungleichheit vor allem durch steuerfinanzierte Programme für soziale Sicherung, Gesundheit und Bildung verringern konnten. Das Gleiche wurde zuvor auch schon für Länder mit hohem Einkommen festgestellt. Selbst China hätte seine bemerkenswerte Armutsbekämpfung nicht erreicht, wenn es seine tiefgreifende wirtschaftliche Transformation nicht mit Umverteilungsmaßnahmen wie Landreformen und auf die Armen ausgerichteten Programmen der sozialen Sicherung kombiniert hätte. Laut Berichten der Weltbank wird der Anteil der Menschen in extremer Armut weltweit in den nächsten 20 Jahren nicht unter 3 % sinken, wenn die einzelnen Länder nicht verstärkt Einkommen durch Steuererhöhungen und eine Stärkung der sozialen Sicherung umverteilen.
Wirtschaftswachstum alleine reicht nicht aus, wie der diesjährige Bericht des Sonderberichterstatters der Vereinten Nationen für extreme Armut und Menschenrechte betont. Es verringert Armut nur begrenzt, insbesondere dort, wo es mit hoher Ungleichheit einhergeht oder auf Rohstoffabbau oder kapitalintensiven Produktionsweisen beruht. Derartige Muster sind vor allem in Subsahara-Afrika weit verbreitet, beispielsweise in Nigeria und Südafrika.
Noch stärker gilt dies für die mehrdimensionale Armut. Sie ist in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten weitaus weniger zurückgegangen als die Einkommensarmut, insbesondere in Subsahara-Afrika. So hat Wirtschaftswachstum kaum Auswirkungen auf die nicht-monetären Dimensionen von Armut in Ländern mit niedrigem und mittlerem Einkommen.
Wirtschaftswachstum kann Armut und Hunger nur dann nachhaltig bekämpfen, wenn es arbeitsintensiv ist und durch Investitionen in soziale Sicherung, Bildung und Gesundheit unterstützt wird – bzw. wenn diese sogar vorausgehen. Insbesondere steuerfinanzierte Programme wie Geldtransfers sind unerlässlich, um sog. pockets of poverty zu erreichen, d. h. diejenigen, die nicht vom Wirtschaftswachstum profitieren. Dazu zählen Menschen in abgelegenen Gebieten, mit geringer Bildung und Ausbildung oder gesundheitlichen Einschränkungen sowie ältere Menschen. Entgegen manchmal vorgebrachter Bedenken halten solche Programme der sozialen Sicherung ihre Nutznießer nicht von der Arbeit ab.
Die deutsche Entwicklungszusammenarbeit sollte daher Länder in Krisensituationen oder mit niedrigem Prokopfeinkommen dabei unterstützen, verlässliche und gut ausgerichtete steuerfinanzierte Programme der sozialen Sicherung auf- und auszubauen, anstatt ihr Engagement für soziale Sicherung zu reduzieren. Andere Instrumente wie die Sozialversicherung sind ebenfalls nützlich, helfen aber Menschen mit geringem Einkommen nicht, da diese keine Sozialbeiträge zahlen können, insbesondere wenn sie ihren Lebensunterhalt aus informeller, unsicherer Beschäftigung bestreiten.
In die soziale Sicherung zu investieren bedeutet nicht zwangsläufig, dass Geberländer wie Deutschland die Geldtransfers selbst finanzieren. Im Rahmen technischer Zusammenarbeit können sie die Partnerländer dabei unterstützen, überhaupt stabile Systeme der sozialen Sicherung aufzubauen. Im Idealfall sollten diese in den nationalen Verfassungen oder anderen Rechtswerken verankert sein, damit alle Menschen Sicherheit darüber haben, welche Leistungen ihnen wann zustehen. Nur wenn sie sich auf den langfristigen Fortbestand der sozialen Sicherungssysteme verlassen können, sind sie bereit, in Humankapital und produktive Aktivitäten zu investieren, um so ihren Wohlstand langfristig zu verbessern. Nur dann kann soziale Sicherung ihr Potenzial bei der Förderung der sozialen, wirtschaftlichen und politischen Entwicklung in allen Teilen der Welt voll entfalten.
Bonn, 3. Juni 2026. In vielen Ländern nehmen Armut und Ungleichheit zu. Investitionen in die soziale Absicherung sind vermutlich das einzige Gegenmittel.
In den vergangenen Jahrzehnten ist der Anteil der Menschen weltweit, die in extremer Armut leben, gesunken – mit Ausnahme der Zeit unmittelbar nach der Corona-Pandemie. Doch zuletzt stieg die absolute Zahl der in Armut lebenden Menschen wieder leicht an, und sie wird voraussichtlich nach 2030 weiter wachsen. Dies hat verschiedene Ursachen, u.a. die wachsende Zahl von Konflikten und extremen Wetterereignissen weltweit sowie die wirtschaftliche Stagnation vieler Länder. Zugleich bleiben die Ungleichheit und die Zahl hungernder Menschen weltweit groß und nehmen in vielen Ländern sogar zu.
Diese beunruhigenden Prognosen zeigen an, dass die globalen Anstrengungen im Kampf gegen Armut, Hunger und Ungleichheit verstärkt werden müssen. Es ist daher sehr zu begrüßen, dass das Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung (BMZ) diesen Kampf in seinem jüngsten Reformplan als erstes von vier Zielen beibehalten hat. Weniger klar ist allerdings, mit welchen Instrumenten das Ziel erreicht werden soll. Ohne soziale Sicherung, wozu beitragsfinanzierte Sozialversicherungen und steuerfinanzierte Programme wie Geldtransfers oder Cash-for-Work gehören, wird dies nicht möglich sein. Die Erfahrungen von Ländern weltweit zeigen, dass soziale Sicherung entscheidend für die Bekämpfung von Armut, Hunger und Ungleichheit ist. Nicht von ungefähr nennen die Vereinten Nationen sie als ersten Politikbereich unter dem ersten ihrer Ziele für nachhaltige Entwicklung (SDGs), welches sich mit der Beseitigung von Armut befasst. Das BMZ plant hingegen, sein Engagement für die soziale Sicherung in vielen seiner Partnerländer auslaufen zu lassen.
Wissenschaftler*innen der Tulane-Universität haben Belege erbracht, dass die meisten Länder mit niedrigem und mittlerem Einkommen Armut und Ungleichheit vor allem durch steuerfinanzierte Programme für soziale Sicherung, Gesundheit und Bildung verringern konnten. Das Gleiche wurde zuvor auch schon für Länder mit hohem Einkommen festgestellt. Selbst China hätte seine bemerkenswerte Armutsbekämpfung nicht erreicht, wenn es seine tiefgreifende wirtschaftliche Transformation nicht mit Umverteilungsmaßnahmen wie Landreformen und auf die Armen ausgerichteten Programmen der sozialen Sicherung kombiniert hätte. Laut Berichten der Weltbank wird der Anteil der Menschen in extremer Armut weltweit in den nächsten 20 Jahren nicht unter 3 % sinken, wenn die einzelnen Länder nicht verstärkt Einkommen durch Steuererhöhungen und eine Stärkung der sozialen Sicherung umverteilen.
Wirtschaftswachstum alleine reicht nicht aus, wie der diesjährige Bericht des Sonderberichterstatters der Vereinten Nationen für extreme Armut und Menschenrechte betont. Es verringert Armut nur begrenzt, insbesondere dort, wo es mit hoher Ungleichheit einhergeht oder auf Rohstoffabbau oder kapitalintensiven Produktionsweisen beruht. Derartige Muster sind vor allem in Subsahara-Afrika weit verbreitet, beispielsweise in Nigeria und Südafrika.
Noch stärker gilt dies für die mehrdimensionale Armut. Sie ist in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten weitaus weniger zurückgegangen als die Einkommensarmut, insbesondere in Subsahara-Afrika. So hat Wirtschaftswachstum kaum Auswirkungen auf die nicht-monetären Dimensionen von Armut in Ländern mit niedrigem und mittlerem Einkommen.
Wirtschaftswachstum kann Armut und Hunger nur dann nachhaltig bekämpfen, wenn es arbeitsintensiv ist und durch Investitionen in soziale Sicherung, Bildung und Gesundheit unterstützt wird – bzw. wenn diese sogar vorausgehen. Insbesondere steuerfinanzierte Programme wie Geldtransfers sind unerlässlich, um sog. pockets of poverty zu erreichen, d. h. diejenigen, die nicht vom Wirtschaftswachstum profitieren. Dazu zählen Menschen in abgelegenen Gebieten, mit geringer Bildung und Ausbildung oder gesundheitlichen Einschränkungen sowie ältere Menschen. Entgegen manchmal vorgebrachter Bedenken halten solche Programme der sozialen Sicherung ihre Nutznießer nicht von der Arbeit ab.
Die deutsche Entwicklungszusammenarbeit sollte daher Länder in Krisensituationen oder mit niedrigem Prokopfeinkommen dabei unterstützen, verlässliche und gut ausgerichtete steuerfinanzierte Programme der sozialen Sicherung auf- und auszubauen, anstatt ihr Engagement für soziale Sicherung zu reduzieren. Andere Instrumente wie die Sozialversicherung sind ebenfalls nützlich, helfen aber Menschen mit geringem Einkommen nicht, da diese keine Sozialbeiträge zahlen können, insbesondere wenn sie ihren Lebensunterhalt aus informeller, unsicherer Beschäftigung bestreiten.
In die soziale Sicherung zu investieren bedeutet nicht zwangsläufig, dass Geberländer wie Deutschland die Geldtransfers selbst finanzieren. Im Rahmen technischer Zusammenarbeit können sie die Partnerländer dabei unterstützen, überhaupt stabile Systeme der sozialen Sicherung aufzubauen. Im Idealfall sollten diese in den nationalen Verfassungen oder anderen Rechtswerken verankert sein, damit alle Menschen Sicherheit darüber haben, welche Leistungen ihnen wann zustehen. Nur wenn sie sich auf den langfristigen Fortbestand der sozialen Sicherungssysteme verlassen können, sind sie bereit, in Humankapital und produktive Aktivitäten zu investieren, um so ihren Wohlstand langfristig zu verbessern. Nur dann kann soziale Sicherung ihr Potenzial bei der Förderung der sozialen, wirtschaftlichen und politischen Entwicklung in allen Teilen der Welt voll entfalten.
Evans Njewa, on behalf of the Least Developed Countries Group, addresses the 71st GEF Council Meeting. Credit: IISD_ENB
By IPS Correspondent
SAMARKAND, Jun 2 2026 (IPS)
Bangladesh, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Guinea-Bissau, Niue, Senegal, Solomon Islands, Sudan, and Togo will receive over USD 67 million in new funding to help strengthen resilience.
The funding for vulnerable countries aims to strengthen resilience through a package of projects approved by the Least Developed Countries Fund (LDCF) and Special Climate Change Fund (SCCF) Council, along with a new strategy to guide the funds through 2030.
Meeting in Samarkand ahead of the Eighth GEF Assembly, Council members approved the final LDCF/SCCF Work Program of the GEF-8 period, comprising seven projects under the Least Developed Countries Fund and one project under the Special Climate Change Fund. Along with the USD 67 million, the projects are expected to mobilise nearly USD 218 million in co-financing.
The funding is expected to assist with mitigating flood and coastal risks, strengthen food and water security, protect ecosystems, improve disaster preparedness, and expand resilient economic opportunities for vulnerable communities.
Claude Gascon, Interim CEO and Chairperson, GEF. Credit: IISD/ENB | Danny Skilton
Claude Gascon, GEF Interim CEO, said the latest tranche of programming responded to evolving national needs, showing how targeted finance was essential in helping countries advance their adaptation priorities while leveraging wider partnerships.
“The work program reflects this demand and the continued relevance of these funds,” Gascon said. “It also shows the catalytic nature of the LDCF and SCCF – working with MDBs and other climate funds and increasingly supporting multi-trust fund projects that align resources across the GEF family of funds.”
The projects include:
The approval concludes a significant period of delivery for the two adaptation-focused funds. With this work program and pending medium-sized projects, the LDCF will have supported 90 projects and programs during GEF-8, reaching 44 Least Developed Countries and programming a total of more than USD 750 million. Over the same period, the SCCF is expected to support 40 projects, including 25 projects benefiting non-LDC Small Island Developing States through its dedicated SIDS window, as well as support for technology transfer, innovation, and private sector engagement.
Looking to the Future
Council members also endorsed the GEF-9 Programming Strategy on Adaptation to Climate Change for the LDCF and SCCF, setting the direction for programming under the two funds from July 2026 to June 2030.
The strategy provides a framework to help vulnerable countries move from adaptation planning to implementation, with a stronger focus on integrated solutions, locally led action, innovation, private sector engagement, blended finance, and better collaboration across climate funds and development partners.
Evans Njewa, speaking on behalf of Ambassador Adao Soares Barbosa, Chair of the LDC Group, welcomed the work program and strategy while emphasising the continued importance of predictable support for Least Developed Countries in the face of intensifying climate impacts.
“These discussions are not merely procedural. They shape whether adaptation support reaches the countries and communities that need it most,” Njewa said. “Each approval, each endorsement, and each new strategy represents a step closer to a world where the most vulnerable are empowered, supported, and included in the transition toward a climate-resilient future.”
The GEF-9 LDCF/SCCF Programming Strategy sets out two financial scenarios for each fund: USD 1 billion to USD 1.3 billion for the LDCF and USD 200 million to USD 300 million for the SCCF, and it also introduces operational improvements to strengthen access, delivery, innovation, and finance mobilisation. Together, these measures will help the LDCF and SCCF provide more predictable, catalytic support for Least Developed Countries and Small Island Developing States.
The work program also reflects the growing role of the LDCF and SCCF in leveraging wider sources of finance. The LDCF projects are expected to mobilise USD 207.9 million in co-financing, while the SCCF project in Niue is expected to mobilise USD 9.8 million. Several projects involve multilateral development banks and international financial institutions, and they also use multi-trust fund approaches that align LDCF and SCCF financing with broader GEF investments.
Gascon said the decisions in Samarkand would help provide continuity and predictability for countries relying on LDCF and SCCF support.
“With just a few years remaining to deliver on global commitments to 2030, the role of these funds is even more central,” he said. “By endorsing the strategy, this Council has provided a clear framework for the years ahead. The momentum is there, the demand is clear, and the opportunity is in front of us.”
Note: The Eighth Global Environment Facility Assembly is underway until June 6, 2026, in Samarkand, Uzbekistan.
This feature is published with the support of the GEF. IPS is solely responsible for the editorial content, and it does not necessarily reflect the views of the GEF.
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Steuervorteil des Ehegattensplittings begrenzen, Kindergeld und Kinderfreibetrag ausweiten: Eine Gruppe von Ökonom*innen hat der Bundesregierung heute in Form eines offenen Briefes einen Reformvorschlag zum Ehegattensplitting unterbreitet. Den Brief haben zahlreiche namhafte Professor*innen aus den Bereichen Ökonomie und Jura unterzeichnet. Zu den Initiator*innen gehört neben Nicola Fuchs-Schündeln (Präsidentin des Wissenschaftszentrums Berlin für Sozialforschung) und Monika Schnitzer (Vorsitzende des Sachverständigenrats Wirtschaft) auch Katharina Wrohlich, Leiterin der Forschungsgruppe Gender Economics im Deutschen Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin). Zum Ansinnen des offenen Briefes äußert sich Katharina Wrohlich wie folgt:
Eine Reform des Ehegattensplittings sollte dringend angegangen werden. Dadurch würde eine Ausweitung der Erwerbsarbeitszeit für viele verheiratete Frauen finanziell attraktiver. Das ist aus gleichstellungspolitischer Sicht relevant, weil so die ökonomische Eigenständigkeit von Frauen gestärkt wird. Es ist aber auch vor dem Hintergrund der aktuellen Debatte zur Sicherung unserer sozialen Sicherungssysteme von großer Bedeutung. Angesichts des demografischen Wandels und des zunehmenden Fachkräftemangels kann Deutschland es sich nicht leisten, Erwerbspotenziale ungenutzt zu lassen.
Besonders wichtig ist zudem: Die durch die Reform entstehenden steuerlichen Mehreinnahmen sollten direkt wieder an Familien mit Kindern rückverteilt werden. Das heutige Ehegattensplitting fördert Ehepaare unabhängig davon, ob Kinder im Haushalt leben. Allerdings sind häufig Kinder der eigentliche Grund, weshalb Paare ihre Erwerbs- und Sorgearbeit aufeinander abstimmen und ein Elternteil, überwiegend die Mutter, beruflich zeitweise zurücktritt. Eine Erhöhung von Kindergeld und Kinderfreibetrag, finanziert durch die steuerlichen Mehreinnahmen aus der Reform des Ehegattensplittings, würde Familien gezielter unterstützen und zugleich Alleinerziehende sowie unverheiratete Eltern besser einbeziehen.
A street in Beirut, Lebanon, where civilian infrastructure has sustained significant damage. Credit: Pexels/Jo Kassis
By Maximilian Malawista
UNITED NATIONS, Jun 2 2026 (IPS)
Last week on May 28, the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) issued an evacuation order to Lebanese civilians ordering them to move north of the Zahrani River, approximately 25 miles from the Israeli border, and roughly 20 percent of the Lebanese territory. These new escalations bring the displaced population to more than 1.3 million people, including more than 300,000 of those people being children. 1.3 million people represents approximately 1/4th of the nation’s population of 5.3 million.
On Friday May 29th, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said the following regarding the current situation of displacement: “Just in the past 48 hours, renewed displacement orders by the Israeli Defence Forces have affected hundreds of thousands of people south of the Zahrani River, including in the cities of Tyre and Nabatieh. Collective shelters in Tyre and Saida in the South Governorate are reportedly full and can’t take in more people.”
On Friday May 22nd, the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) observed a continuation of Israeli military aggression along with Hezbollah attacks on Israeli force mission areas. In the following week, on Monday May 25th, the largest number of airspace violations at 91 occurrences, along with 399 firing incidents by the IDF were recorded. Additionally, on May 27th, 670 trajectories of projectiles were reported, making this the highest since the cessation of hostilities on April 17th. The IDF has also been attributed to separate incidents of firings on Saturday May 23rd and Sunday May 24th, at approximately 160 per day, with about 16 launches of projectiles by Hezbollah; along with large-scale engineering works, logistical traffic, and armored vehicle convoys through this escalation by the IDF.
Between May 21 and May 24, the World Health Organization (WHO) recorded 8 health workers killed and 45 injured, with 25 medical staff just on May 23rd being injured at the Hiram Hospital in the South governorate following airstrikes.
“We reiterate that attacks on health workers and health facilities are unacceptable. All parties to conflicts must immediately stop them and ensure protection for healthcare,” said Deputy Spokesperson for the Secretary-General, Farhan Haq.
As of March 2026, a flash appeal has been submitted by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), acting as a funding instrument to garner USD 308.3 million to provide life-saving assistance and protection targeting up to 1 million people. Within this appeal, USD 61 million is planned to be allocated to Multi-purpose Cash Assistance (MPCA), $56 million to Food Security & Agriculture, $42.5 million to Shelter, and $40 million and $37 million to WASH and Health, along with other allocations to much needed life-saving sectors. Prior to these latest advancements, an estimated 3 million people were already requiring assistance, with 961,000 people facing acute food insecurity.
Although conditions are worsening, all ports remain operational and accessible, according to the latest report from Logistics Cluster. Airspace is open as well, however humanitarian and commercial access remains limited. Also, according to the same report from Logistics Cluster, many roads and bridges in southern Lebanon remain not passable or closed, limiting crucial movements of goods into the most affected areas of hostilities.
OCHA told Inter Press Service that these constraints have been “complicating planning and limiting sustained operations, even as partners continue to reach people where access permits.”
As of May 2026, fuel prices are higher in Lebanon than any other state in the region, besides Pakistan. Since February 28th 2026, the following increases have been recorded:
The estimated fuel increase by country since February 28th, 2026. Credit: Maximilian Malawista
OCHA added that “Rising costs are adding further pressure on an already fragile humanitarian response. Fuel prices have surged significantly, driving up transport and production costs, while the cost of basic food items has also increased.” OCHA warned that these trends are “undermining people’s ability to afford essentials”, and are “further complicating the delivery of humanitarian assistance.”
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By External Source
Jun 2 2026 (IPS)
2025 was one of the three hottest years ever recorded.
The years from 2015 to 2025 were the hottest eleven years on record.
The planet is now about 1.43 degrees Celsius warmer than the pre-industrial average.
The oceans are absorbing heat at a staggering rate — about eighteen times humanity’s annual energy use each year over the last two decades.
Sea levels remain near record highs.
And for people, the risks are immediate.
The IPCC estimates that 3.3 to 3.6 billion people live in contexts highly vulnerable to climate change.
The World Health Organization projects that, between 2030 and 2050, climate change could cause about 250,000 additional deaths each year from undernutrition, malaria, diarrhoea and heat stress alone.
Yet the gap between promise and action remains wide.
UNEP says current policies put the world on track for 2.8 degrees Celsius of warming this century.
Even full delivery of new national climate pledges would still leave warming at around 2.3 to 2.5 degrees.
This is why June 5th matters.
World Environment Day was established by the UN General Assembly in 1972 and is led by UNEP.
In 2026, World Environment Day is focused on climate action.
Azerbaijan will host the global commemoration in Baku, under the national campaign message:
“Inspired by Nature. For Climate. For Our Future.”
UNEP’s global call is simple:
Act #NowForClimate.
The message is not that the future is lost.
It is that choices still count.
Cleaner energy.
Stronger early warning systems.
Smarter cities.
Protected ecosystems.
Restored land.
Every action reduces risk.
Climate action is not only an environmental issue.
It is a health issue.
A development issue.
A justice issue.
And a survival issue.
This World Environment Day, June 5th, join the movement.
Act now.
Speak up.
Choose change.
For nature.
For climate.
For our future.
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After World War II, countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) started from low levels of socioeconomic development. Especially health indicators were worse than in most other world regions. This changed drastically when MENA countries became independent and started to invest into the social protection of citizens against health risks. They built up powerful social health insurance schemes, and today, many of their health indicators are almost on the same level as in Europe or North America. During the 1980s and 1990, however, most MENA governments reduced healthcare spending again as an element of structural adjustment programs, and focused increasingly on health services that are particularly important for the urban upper and middle classes, their main allies in society, but not so much for the poor. Therefore, MENA health systems suffer again from significant deficits regarding fairness, efficiency, and effectiveness. Financial, legal, and geographical obstacles restrict access for large parts of the population. The coexistence of multiple social protection schemes for different population groups reflects and intensifies already existing social inequalities. Deficits in quality and tidiness and the prevalence of informal fees charged for “good” treatment reduce further the value of public health services. Efficiency suffers from irrational prioritizations in fund allocation and from a lack of customer orientation. And the effects of MENA health systems, although not really bad, could still be better, which has become more than obvious during the recent COVID-19 pandemic.
Male employees were working in a paper factory in Thimpu, Bhutan. Accession to WTO will enhance business opportunities for local SMEs. Credit: Unsplash/Bradford Zak
By Jing Huang, Mikiko Tanaka and Rajan Ratna
THIMPU, Bhutan, Jun 2 2026 (IPS)
Bhutan’s decision to restart its accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) comes at an important junction. Since graduating from Least Developed Country (LDC) status in 2023, the country is entering a new phase of development, which requires stronger competitiveness, deeper global engagement and greater economic resilience.
Yet Bhutan’s experience is not only about joining a global institution. It also offers an important lesson on why South-South cooperation matters in an increasingly uncertain world.
Global trade today is becoming more fragmented and unpredictable. Geopolitical tensions, supply chain disruptions and shifting trade alliances are reshaping the engagement of countries with the global economy. For small developing economies, the challenge is particularly complex.
Accessing international markets is no longer only about expanding exports, it is also about navigating changing rules, building institutional readiness and strengthening resilience against external shocks.
Based on this, the decision to restart the WTO accession from Bhutan is particularly significant. After years of standstill, Bhutan has resumed discussions on the terms of accession under the WTO Working Party process.
For a small economy transitioning beyond LDC status, WTO accession represents an opportunity to strengthen long-term economic foundations, improve investor confidence and integrate more effectively into regional and global markets.
However, the WTO accession is never easy, particularly for small economies with limited institutional capacity. Negotiating accession requires the readiness of the domestic market and industry, but also government capacities to navigate highly technical issues and in-house analysis for self and competitors’ assessments, from market access commitments and regulatory reforms to notification obligations and legal frameworks.
Officials must understand not only the rules themselves but also the practical implications of commitments that will shape national economic policy for years to come.
For many developing countries, the most useful policy lessons often come from peers facing similar realities. Countries across the Global South frequently operate under comparable constraints: limited institutional resources, competing development priorities and the need to balance openness with domestic policy space.
In these contexts, learning from neighbouring and comparable economies can often be more practical and relatable than relying solely on textbook models or distant examples. Bhutan’s WTO preparations offer a good example of the approach can work in practice.
In response to a request from the Royal Government of Bhutan, the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) through its Subregional Office for South and South-West Asia, partnered with Indian think tanks to support Bhutanese officials as they prepare for WTO accession.
Rather than focusing solely on theoretical understanding, the initiative emphasized practical learning, negotiation experiences and peer exchanges with experts and former trade negotiators who had worked directly on WTO processes.
The approach responded directly to Bhutan’s needs. Officials serving on Bhutan’s WTO Negotiating Team and Technical Working Groups were able to deepen their understanding of complex accession issues, including market access negotiations, institutional reforms, scheduling commitments and post-accession obligations. More importantly, they engaged directly with practitioners who understood the realities of policymaking and negotiations in developing country settings.
Peer learning also brought an important practical pillar. Discussions moved beyond legal provisions and technical terminology to focus on real experiences what challenges emerge during accession, how governments navigate difficult trade-offs and what institutional arrangements work in practice.
Exchanges on economic diversification, including lessons related to Special Economic Zones (SEZs), also offered useful reflections for Bhutan as it considers pathways to sustainable economic growth.
At a time when multilateralism faces growing pressures and geopolitical divisions increasingly influence trade relations, regional cooperation and peer learning are becoming more important. Small and developing economies often face similar structural constraints and often attempt to navigate major transitions in isolation.
Trusted regional partnerships can help countries access practical expertise, reduce learning costs and build confidence in undertaking complex reforms.
Bhutan’s WTO journey reminds us that successful South-South cooperation is not simply about technical assistance or transferring knowledge. It works best when countries define their own priorities, partnerships respond to genuine demand and peers contribute practical experiences with humility and mutual respect.
As Bhutan moves forward in its WTO accession process, its experience offers an important lesson for the wider region. In a fragmented and uncertain global economy, developing countries are often strongest when they learn from one another.
South-South cooperation may not remove every challenge, but it can help countries navigate difficult transitions with greater confidence, stronger institutions and more practical solutions.
Jing Huang is Economic Affairs Officer, ESCAP Subregional Office for South and South-West Asia; Mikiko Tanaka is Head of ESCAP Subregional Office for South and South-West Asia & Rajan Ratna is Coordinator, DAKSHIN-Global South Centre of Excellence.
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Monika Stankiewicz, Executive Secretary of the Minamata Convention on Mercury, at the 71st GEF Council Meeting. Credit: Stella Paul/IPS
By Stella Paul
SAMARKAND, Uzbekistan, Jun 2 2026 (IPS)
On day 2 of the Global Environment Facility’s 71st Council Meeting, which focused on process and procedure, a clear message emerged: global environmental governance cannot afford fragmentation.
With six major multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) under its financial mechanism – the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the UN Convention on Biological Diversity (UNCBD), the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants (POPs), the Minamata Convention on Mercury, the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD), and the emerging Agreement on Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction – the GEF sits at the centre of a complex reporting architecture.
For many convention secretariats, reporting requirements have become increasingly difficult for countries, constrained by limited staffing and multilayered requirements. Calls for greater synergies, including simpler processes across conventions, have taken on new urgency.
“This is the year of three COPs – a great opportunity for us to create synergies,” said Asad Naqvi, representing the CBD, setting the tone for discussions.
A System Under Strain
Across conventions, similar challenges surfaced: fragmented reporting, misaligned data requirements, and duplication, especially for smaller secretariats and developing countries.
Monika Stankiewicz, Executive Secretary of the Minamata Convention on Mercury, highlighted the gap between global commitments and local realities while acknowledging GEF’s progress in integrating Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (IPLCs). She pointed to artisanal and small-scale gold mining – one of the largest sources of mercury emissions – that often occurs in indigenous territories. Yet many affected communities remain unaware of how the issue is addressed under the convention. Without meaningful engagement, broader goals such as biodiversity conservation become difficult to achieve.
“If Indigenous Peoples are not adequately engaged in combating mercury pollution, even biodiversity goals will fall short,” she warned, calling for stronger integration across conventions.
Delegates at the 71st GEF Council Meeting debated how to remove fragmentation in the management of funding across six major multilateral environmental agreements. Stella Paul/IPS
The ‘Minefield’ of Reporting
The complexity of reporting was underscored by Dr Rolph Payet, Executive Secretary of the Basel, Rotterdam and Stockholm (BRS) Conventions. Despite efforts to build synergies within the chemicals and waste cluster, reporting remains what he described as a “minefield”.
“We have one convention where reporting has started and others where reporting formats have changed; some stakeholders still prefer paper-based systems, while others want digital platforms – and they do not always share data,” Payet explained.
The result is a system that remains difficult for countries to navigate. Still, Payet struck a cautiously optimistic note, pointing to ongoing efforts to harmonise compliance mechanisms and streamline data collection.
“This is not something we should run away from,” he said. “We have a unique opportunity to bring our heads together and find ways to make reporting easier, more effective, and more useful for measuring impact.”
From Silos to Systems
For Naqvi and others, synergies go beyond administrative efficiency; they are essential for addressing interconnected global crises.
Synergies are not just about efficiency but addressing interconnected crises, says Naqvi. The Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF) is often viewed as a conservation blueprint.
“All these challenges – climate, biodiversity, land degradation, pollution – are interconnected,” he said. “The global financial landscape does not allow us to continue with siloed projects.”
He urged the GEF to leverage its role as a financial mechanism for multiple conventions to deepen integration. Existing coordination platforms, such as the Joint Liaison Group among the three Rio Conventions, could be expanded to include chemicals, waste, and emerging issues.
Equally important, he added, is shifting the focus from outputs to systemic change – understanding and addressing the economic drivers behind environmental degradation.
“We must not only fight the flames but also turn off the tap that fuels the fire,” Naqvi said.
Financing the Transition
Across conventions, the scale of investment required far exceeds available grant resources, creating an urgent need for innovative financing.
Stankiewicz highlighted the funding gap for mercury pollution and hazardous chemicals, noting that grants alone are insufficient. She pointed to blended finance – combining public, private, and sovereign capital – as a key pathway.
“Grants can catalyse,” she said. “They can crowd in larger investments and unlock development opportunities while addressing environmental challenges.”
According to her, emerging examples reflect this approach. For example, the GEF-supported PCB animation project not only reports on the destruction of Persistent Organic Pollutants (POPs) but also on co-benefits such as emissions reduced through energy efficiency.
“That will be integration in practice. And I hope the implementation agencies will also join us on this important job,” Stankiewicz said.
Land, Drought, and Resilience
From the UNCCD perspective, synergies closely link to scaling investment and building resilience, particularly in vulnerable regions.
Cathrine Mutambirwa, Programme Coordinator at the UNCCD’s Global Mechanism, stressed the need to mobilise private capital and expand blended finance models beyond pilot initiatives. This is especially critical in drylands and drought-prone regions where financing remains limited.
She welcomed the proposed integrated programmes on drought and land restoration under GEF-9 as a timely response to country needs.
“These are precisely the kinds of cross-sectoral approaches that affected countries are asking for,” she said.
Mutambirwa also highlighted partnerships with multilateral development banks and regional institutions, showing how coordinated financing can bring together resources – including GEF, climate funds, and development banks – into cohesive programmes.
Speakers also stressed that integration must be inclusive, placing Indigenous Peoples, women, youth, and vulnerable communities at the centre and supported by accessible information and simplified systems.
“There has been too much fragmentation,” Naqvi of UNCBD acknowledged. “We need to ensure that our processes work for those who are custodians of biodiversity and natural resources.”
A Pivotal Moment
The Eighth GEF Assembly comes at a critical time. With multiple COPs scheduled in the same year and the GEF entering its ninth replenishment cycle (GEF-9), there is a rare alignment of political attention, financing, and institutional momentum.
Speakers were clear: this moment must not be missed.
Greater synergies in reporting, financing, and programme design are essential to reduce burdens and improve their impact.
If implemented effectively, such integration could transform global environmental governance from parallel efforts into a coherent system capable of addressing the world’s most pressing challenges.
As Naqvi put it, the opportunity is clear: to move beyond fragmentation and build a system where sustainability is not just a goal but a pathway to inclusive and resilient development.
The speakers revealed that UN agencies and conventions were cutting operational costs – through reduced travel and the use of technologies like AI. At such a time, they are expected to push for simpler reporting systems that align with tighter budgets, smaller teams, and growing workloads. It will be telling to see how the GEF-9 cycle reflects these constraints in both design and implementation.
Note: The Eighth Global Environment Facility Assembly is underway until June 6, 2026, in Samarkand, Uzbekistan.
This feature is published with the support of the GEF. IPS is solely responsible for the editorial content, and it does not necessarily reflect the views of the GEF.
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A hospital in Kabul. Afghanistan faces an already dire shortage of female doctors as women medical graduates remain barred from taking the final exam required to practice medicine. Credti: Learning Together.
By External Source
KABUL, Jun 1 2026 (IPS)
While Afghanistan faces a serious shortage of female doctors, the country’s Islamist regime has placed restrictions on female students from graduating, further exacerbating the situation. Female medical graduates are barred from writing their final exams, which provide them with the professional qualification to practice as medical doctors.
Nilab (name changed) from Afghanistan, graduated as a doctor three years ago from Al-Birun University in Parwan province. She has not been able to practice her profession because the Taliban have banned women from taking the final medical exam.
The final exam is an assessment that aims to measure the competence of medical graduates. It is conducted after seven years of study. Once the exam is passed, the graduate is granted a license to practice medicine. Those who have received the license can also apply for specialization training at teaching hospitals.
“If a doctor does not pass the required final exam, the situation is the same as if they were a student who had just finished high school. When applying for a job at any health center, the first question is: ‘Have you taken the final exam?’ Without it, you cannot work in any hospital, not even as a nurse,” says Nilab.
The final exam was last held for women in 2021. Since then, only men have been allowed to take the exam. The situation is exacerbating Afghanistan’s already dire shortage of female doctors
“I studied for 19 years. Of that time, I lived in a dormitory in another province for seven years, far from my family. It was a difficult time. In the final stage, only one exam, the final exam, has stopped all my progress. Now my future has been taken away from me.”
The final exam was last held for women in 2021. Since then, only men have been allowed to take the exam. The situation is exacerbating Afghanistan’s already dire shortage of female doctors.
Nilab lives with her mother in Kabul, and her family has seven siblings: four girls and three boys.
Two of her sisters and two brothers have also graduated from university, but their futures are uncertain.
Her younger sister scored one of the highest in the national university entrance exam and was accepted to study medicine, but she was unable to complete her studies. Another of Nilab’s brothers graduated in Russian literature but is unemployed.
The family’s only income comes from her mother and one of her siblings, a doctor named Khalida (name changed), who both work as teachers for primary school girls in a public school. With their meager salaries, they shoulder the financial burden of the entire family.
Nilab has tried to earn a living through other means. Until recently, women were allowed to study in non-university health schools.
“Despite all the challenges, I worked as a teacher in a two-year medical school. However, in January 2025, I also lost that opportunity when the Taliban closed medical schools,” Nilab says.
The years of education wasted have caused her a heavy psychological burden, stress and anxiety.
“We have seen how many young women have taken their lives in recent years. Young women’s trust in government, justice and human rights has plummeted to zero. When women’s voices are silenced and they remain imprisoned within us, it becomes unbearable pain. The pain wears us down, it becomes an unhealing wound,” she describes.
The Taliban’s decision has affected all female final-year medical students who completed their studies in 2022 and beyond. There is now a shortage of women in internal medicine, dentistry, surgery, cardiology, and even obstetrics and gynecology.
Khalida graduated from a private medical university in Kabul in 2022.
A street in Kabul, where restrictions on women’s education and employment are deepening Afghanistan’s health crisis. Credit: Learning Together.
“Our lives have been completely destroyed by not being able to take the final exam. The future we once dreamed of is gone. We worked hard for this future, which included 12 years of school, a year of preparing for the university entrance exam, and seven years at the university, but all that work has now been lost.”
After graduating, Khalida worked for a while in a few private hospitals without pay to gain experience in the field. At the same time, she specialized in ultrasound examinations. However, the final exam or the exam required for specialization was not organized, and she was eventually forced to stay home.
Sometimes, female doctors are forced to do jobs that are not in line with their training and are very poorly paid.
“I also worked for a while in a hospital distributing nutritional supplements to malnourished patients. However, this is a job that even a high school graduate can do. We are doctors who studied medicine for seven years, and we should serve women in the fields related to our profession.”
Khalida is currently studying English outside of university, hoping to pass the national English proficiency test so that she can get a scholarship and continue her studies abroad. She says that 19 years of studying in Afghanistan have not allowed her to alleviate the suffering of others or herself. She still depends on her family’s financial support. Without it, she fears that she will be forced to stay inside the four walls of her home.
As a result of the Taliban’s numerous restrictions on women, many have lost interest in their own lives. Some have lost faith in marriage, while others have been forced into marriage.
“I am single and have no desire to get married in Afghanistan under the current circumstances. I do not want to allow society to have a new generation that is even more unhappy than my own,” says Khalida.
UN experts have warned that restrictions on women’s education and employment in Afghanistan are deepening the country’s health crisis, particularly by reducing the number of female doctors and other female health professionals who could treat women.
“We female doctors are unable to serve the women of our society despite our years of education. Instead, we have become a burden on our families. There is nothing more difficult for an educated woman than this. We suffer simply because we are women living under Taliban rule,” says Khalida.
Excerpt:
The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons