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Kein Formel-1-Pilot hat in Europa diese Saison mehr Punkte geholt als Lewis Hamilton. Schlägt der Ferrari-Pilot auch am Samstag in Silverstone zu?

Les candidats retenus pour la session de remplacement de l'examen du Baccalauréat, session unique de juin 2026, composeront à partir du lundi 13 juillet 2026. L'annonce a été faite par Alphonse da Silva, directeur général de l'Office du Baccalauréat.

Selon le communiqué, les épreuves écrites se dérouleront au centre unique de composition, le CEG Sainte-Rita de Cotonou. Les candidats pourront consulter la liste des candidats retenus dès le lundi 6 juillet 2026. Cette liste sera affichée à l'Office du Baccalauréat, au CEG Sainte-Rita ainsi que dans les différents centres de correction-délibération.

Le directeur général de l'Office du Baccalauréat invite les candidats retenus à se présenter le lundi 13 juillet 2026 à 7 heures précises au centre de composition, munis d'une pièce d'identité en cours de validité, afin de prendre part aux épreuves dans les meilleures conditions.

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Sirenen über Moskau, ein unbekanntes Flugobjekt und Gerüchte um eine neue ukrainische Rakete: Hat Kiew erstmals die ballistische FP-9 eingesetzt? Was für die spektakuläre These spricht – und warum Experten weiterhin erhebliche Zweifel haben.

Ein 78-jähriger E-Bike-Fahrer ist am Freitagabend bei einem Unfall in Wädenswil ZH ums Leben gekommen. Eine 20-jährige Autofahrerin kollidierte auf der Zugerstrasse mit ihm. Die Unfallursache ist noch unklar.

Obwohl die Verhandlungen mit Chelsea weit fortgeschritten waren, dürfte Granit Xhaka auch nächste Saison bei Sunderland spielen.

Alors que les importations laitières algériennes amorcent un net coup de frein au premier quadrimestre 2026, l’ombre du méga-complexe d’Adrar plane déjà sur les grands […]

L’article Lait en poudre : le projet Baladna rebat déjà les cartes du marché international est apparu en premier sur .

Mountainbikerin Sina Frei muss sich in La Thuile einzig der Weltcup-Führenden geschlagen geben. Bei den Männern verpassen die Schweizer das Short-Track-Podest.

Seit April gibt es auch bei SRF sogenannte Replay-Ads. Wer die Werbung beim zeitversetzten Fernsehen überspringen will, muss extra bezahlen.

Eine wahre Punktlandung gelang einem Touristen Ende Juni am Flughafen in Las Vegas. An einem Glücksspielautomaten setzte er bei einem Zwischenstopp 10 Dollar. Und knackte damit den Jackpot von über 3,3 Millionen Dollar.

Eine Villa in Montagnola TI soll für 4,5 Millionen Franken den Besitzer wechseln. Zur Ausstattung gehören ein Innenpool, eine Sauna und ein Pizzaofen. Wegen ihres angeblichen Architekten soll sie ein Sammlerstück sein. Doch für dessen Wirken finden sich keine Belege.

Les prix des denrées alimentaires à l’échelle mondiale ont légèrement reculé en juin, malgré une hausse enregistrée sur un an. C’est ce qui ressort du […]

L’article Prix alimentaires mondiaux : ce que révèle le dernier rapport de la FAO est apparu en premier sur .

Domestic Marketing Manager

Location : GDIZ, Benin

On behalf of one of our clients, a leading industrial company in the textile manufacturing sector, Elite Intérim Togo I Bénin is seeking an experienced and results-driven Domestic Marketing Manager to lead and drive commercial growth across Benin and the ECOWAS sub-region.

Key Responsibilities

Develop and implement the company's domestic marketing and sales strategy.
Lead, coach, and evaluate the sales and marketing team.
Set sales targets and monitor team performance.
Identify and develop new market opportunities, strategic clients, and business partnerships.
Oversee prospecting, negotiations, and contract closures with key accounts.
Build and maintain strong relationships with clients, distributors, and institutional partners.
Prepare annual sales and marketing action plans and manage related budgets.
Analyze sales performance (KPIs) and provide regular reports to management.
Monitor market trends, customer needs, and competitor activities to adjust commercial strategies.
Represent the company at trade fairs, exhibitions, and networking events.
Collaborate closely with production and operations teams to align customer demand with business capacity.

♦️ Requirements

– Bachelor's or Master's degree (minimum Bac+4/5) in #Marketing, #Business_Administration, #Management, #International_Trade, or a related field.
– 5–7 years of experience in marketing, sales, or business development.
– At least 2 years of experience managing a sales and/or marketing team.
– Proven experience in an industrial environment is mandatory.
– Experience in the textile or garment manufacturing industry is a strong advantage.
– Strong knowledge of the Beninese market and the ECOWAS business environment.
– Excellent leadership, negotiation, communication, and business development skills.
– Demonstrated ability to structure a commercial function and achieve ambitious sales targets.

Requirements : Fluency in both #English and #French (written and spoken) is mandatory.

Profile

Results-oriented with strong leadership skills.
Strategic thinker with excellent analytical and decision-making abilities.
Strong interpersonal and networking skills.
Able to thrive in a fast-paced industrial environment.
Willing to travel within Benin and across neighboring ECOWAS countries when required.

To apply, please send your resume to recrutement@eliteinterim.ci and recrutement@eliteinterim.bj. The subject line of your email must read : Domestic Marketing Manager – Benin.

Credit: Connie France/AFP

By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Jul 3 2026 (IPS)

Right-wing candidate Keiko Fujimori has won Peru’s presidential runoff, narrowly defeating leftist Roberto Sánchez to become the country’s ninth president in a decade. She inherits a system so engineered for dysfunction that rather than making compromises, she may decide the concentration of power is her only means of survival. The constitution that created this trap was written by her father.

A system built to fail

Keiko, daughter of authoritarian former president Alberto Fujimori, has finally succeeded in her fourth consecutive runoff, having lost in 2011, 2016 and 2021. She won with a margin of roughly a quarter of a percentage point over a candidate who is a close ally of jailed former president Pedro Castillo. Both sides alleged fraud, filed claims and sent their supporters onto the streets.

Peru is often described as a democracy without parties. The party system disintegrated in the 1990s and was never rebuilt. In its place came a sequence of improvised candidacies and personal electoral vehicles that rise and fall with their founders. For the first-round vote on 12 April, the largest ballot paper in Peru’s history listed 35 candidates. Fujimori came first with just 17.19 per cent. Ultimately, most Peruvians didn’t vote for either candidate who made the runoff. A president elected on that basis has a mandate so weak that rivals can dispute it from day one, and they do.

Congressional seats scatter across dozens of parties, none of which dominates. But parties can combine to reach the two-thirds threshold needed to invoke a constitutional clause to impeach and remove a president on the grounds of ‘permanent moral incapacity’, a mechanism Peru’s constitution leaves deliberately vague. The Congress elected in 2021 removed three presidents in one term.

Authoritarian incentives

The constitutional mechanism that enables political instability is the reason Fujimori’s presidency could be dangerous. As she enters office with a razor-thin margin and no congressional majority, she faces an immediate strategic choice. She can seek compromise with her opponents, but this might signal that the threat of impeachment works, inviting it. Or she can move to concentrate power and weaken the institutions that constrain the executive, denying her opponents the tools they could use to remove her.

Everything points towards the second option. Most presidents recently removed by Congress were, at the time of their removal, attempting to govern within the rules, and the rules were weaponised against them. Pedro Castillo tried a different approach, dissolving Congress pre-emptively to forestall his impeachment. He was immediately arrested and removed. A politician who has watched this dynamic consume eight predecessors might conclude that the only way to survive is to change the game.

Keiko’s father ruled Peru from 1990 to 2000 as an elected president who progressively dismantled the institutions that constrained him. Two years into his first term, citing the simultaneous crises of hyperinflation and insurgency, he dissolved Congress and suspended the constitution. The emergency was real, but it was also an opportunity. Fujimori rewrote the constitution to entrench executive power, won re-election in 1995 and then won a fraud-tainted third term before being forced from office within months. His government became synonymous with grand corruption and human rights atrocities, including the forced sterilisation of over 272,000 mostly Indigenous women. After he was forced out in 2000, he was convicted of homicide and kidnapping, and imprisoned.

The constitution Alberto Fujimori wrote to entrench his power is still in force. The moral incapacity clause that the 1993 constitution retained – useful to Fujimori when he controlled Congress – has become the primary weapon congressional majorities have used to remove president after president. The most significant recent constitutional change, the reinstatement of a two-chamber Congress, may end up increasing congressional power. This is the system Keiko now has to deal with.

The costs of dysfunction

Peru’s dysfunction has long been sustained by a comforting fiction: that while politics is chaotic, the economy runs itself. Macro fundamentals have remained relatively stable. Inflation in 2025 ran at around 1.5 per cent, and the economy grew 3.4 per cent in 2024. But economic growth has roughly halved over a decade of turmoil. Poverty, at 27.6 per cent in 2024, remains above pre-pandemic levels. Homicides stand at 10.7 per 100,000 people, alongside an epidemic of extortion.

Freedoms are deteriorating and those who protest pay the highest price. In 2025, attempts to change the pension system triggered Gen Z-led protests that quickly expressed broader anger at corruption, insecurity and political dysfunction. Security forces responded with violence. In December 2024, the CIVICUS Monitor, which tracks civic space conditions globally, downgraded Peru to repressed status, its second-worst rating, citing years of escalating state violence and the systematic harassment of human rights defenders and journalists, who political figures routinely smear as terrorists and traitors.

In March 2025, Congress passed a law giving the Peruvian Agency for International Cooperation extensive powers to control, censor and persecute civil society organisations that receive foreign funding, threatening fines of up to US$720,000 and criminalising any use of foreign funds to support legal action against the Peruvian state. It is, in effect, a law against accountability.

Danger ahead

Keiko Fujimori ran a law-and-order campaign under the slogan ‘Fujimori returns, order returns’, casting the fight against organised crime as a sequel to her father’s 1990s war against insurgency and promising mass deployments of police and military forces. Her party championed a 2025 amnesty law shielding security forces and civilian armed groups from prosecution for disappearances, killings and torture during that conflict, in direct defiance of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. Keiko has been evasive about her father’s atrocities and has recast human rights as a matter of access to basic services rather than accountability for past abuses. Her record offers no grounds for optimism about civic space or democratic norms.

Keiko’s father justified breaking the rules that constrained him by pointing to insurgency and economic collapse. Keiko faces no insurgency and no hyperinflation, so if she moves to concentrate power, she will have to find her own justification, perhaps in a crime wave, a security emergency or a conspiracy of her enemies. The Fujimorist playbook could come back with a vengeance.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Head of Research and Analysis, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report. She is also a Professor of Comparative Politics at Universidad ORT Uruguay.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

 

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Une autre raison qui empêche les femmes d'atteindre l'orgasme avec leur partenaire est la difficulté à parler ouvertement de ce qu'elles apprécient pendant les rapports sexuels.

Une autre raison qui empêche les femmes d'atteindre l'orgasme avec leur partenaire est la difficulté à parler ouvertement de ce qu'elles apprécient pendant les rapports sexuels.

Normalerweise wird die Schweiz im Ausland gern als Steuerparadies abgestempelt. Nun kommt aus Deutschland unerwartetes Lob für unsere Vermögenssteuern. Doch ganz so einfach ist die Sache nicht.

L’Université de la formation continue (UFC) « Didouche Mourad » franchit une nouvelle étape dans sa démarche de modernisation. L’établissement a annoncé, jeudi, avoir obtenu […]

L’article Cette université de la formation continue algérienne décroche une prestigieuse certification internationale est apparu en premier sur .

Die Schweizer Nati-Fans lassen bereits um 5 Uhr morgens die Sau raus, während Breel Embolo uns über seine Lieblingsgetränke aufklärt. Kleiner Spoiler vorweg: Er feiert ohne Bier.

Die Schweiz siegt gegen Algerien 2:0 und steht im WM-Achtelfinal. Murat Yakin gewinnt das Duell an der Seitenlinie gegen Vladimir Petkovic und behält auch im sechsten Duell der beiden seine weisse Weste.

Six fans of the Black Stars are living proof of how football can drive supporters to extreme lengths to follow their team.