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Iliman Ndiaye affirme que le Sénégal est champion d'Afrique aux yeux de « beaucoup de monde » malgré une querelle juridique sur la destination ultime du titre de la CAN 2025.

Plymouth Argyle striker Owen Oseni says he was in "disbelief" after being called up to the Nigeria squad.

Le calendrier de vaccination obligatoire en Algérie évolue avec l’entrée en vigueur d’un nouveau cadre réglementaire publié dans le dernier numéro du Journal officiel (n°36, […]

L’article Révision du calendrier vaccinal au Journal officiel : ces vaccins deviennent obligatoires en Algérie est apparu en premier sur .

Először találkozott személyesen Orbán Anita magyar és Andrij Szibiha ukrán külügyminiszter, és megállapodtak, hogy a jövő héten folytatódnak a kétoldalú szakértői konzultációk a nemzeti kisebbségekről - jelentette be az X-en az ukrán diplomácia vezetője.

International donors commit substantial resources to GovTech projects (the application of information and communication technologies to government functions). World Bank GovTech investments alone have exceeded $118 billion over the last three decades. Donor strategy documents consistently frame digital transformation not only as a vehicle for improved effectiveness but also for strengthening democracy.
Autocrats are equally invested in these tools. Globally, at least 88 authoritarian regimes currently operate GovTech projects, and electoral autocracies receive the largest share of GovTech aid (48.6 per cent of commitments). Beyond well-known surveillance applications, autocracies deploy GovTech for service delivery, grievance redress and even citizen engagement. These platforms are deployed to project an image of responsiveness and legitimacy. Our experimental evidence from Turkey shows how efficiency-enhancing GovTech tools, when paired with sophisticated regime communication, can durably entrench autocratic rule. We designed a survey experiment focused on CIMER, Turkey’s widely used citizen petition platform, to examine how citizens respond to the government propaganda surrounding it. The results show that the government’s framing of CIMER as an effective tool that “gets things done” significantly increased trust in authoritarian institutions, even among regime opponents. The effect extended beyond attitudes to behaviour: Asked to allocate a hypothetical donation of money among state institutions, independent non-governmental organisations (NGOs) or themselves, anti-government respondents exposed to messages on the platform were significantly more likely to give the money to state institutions. Our recommendations are as follows:
• Donors must take the second-order effects of GovTech initiatives seriously and develop mechanisms to carefully evaluate the risks of unintended consequences. In many cases, support for GovTech projects is overly optimistic regarding their effects on political openness. Adopting a more context-sensitive and realistic approach demands detailed political economy assessments before supporting GovTech projects and developing monitoring metrics that capture potential regime-legitimation effects.
• Donors need to build stronger safety guardrails into these projects. Depending on the political economy assessments, such measures could include the institutional involvement of international organisations or, if feasible, local NGOs (as conditionality) in platform oversight, mandatory independent audits and open data standards by design, among others.
• Finally, donors need to consider actively participating in public communication on these platforms, with visible donor branding, to counter government-controlled propaganda, claim credit for service delivery and strengthen trust in donor countries and organisations.

International donors commit substantial resources to GovTech projects (the application of information and communication technologies to government functions). World Bank GovTech investments alone have exceeded $118 billion over the last three decades. Donor strategy documents consistently frame digital transformation not only as a vehicle for improved effectiveness but also for strengthening democracy.
Autocrats are equally invested in these tools. Globally, at least 88 authoritarian regimes currently operate GovTech projects, and electoral autocracies receive the largest share of GovTech aid (48.6 per cent of commitments). Beyond well-known surveillance applications, autocracies deploy GovTech for service delivery, grievance redress and even citizen engagement. These platforms are deployed to project an image of responsiveness and legitimacy. Our experimental evidence from Turkey shows how efficiency-enhancing GovTech tools, when paired with sophisticated regime communication, can durably entrench autocratic rule. We designed a survey experiment focused on CIMER, Turkey’s widely used citizen petition platform, to examine how citizens respond to the government propaganda surrounding it. The results show that the government’s framing of CIMER as an effective tool that “gets things done” significantly increased trust in authoritarian institutions, even among regime opponents. The effect extended beyond attitudes to behaviour: Asked to allocate a hypothetical donation of money among state institutions, independent non-governmental organisations (NGOs) or themselves, anti-government respondents exposed to messages on the platform were significantly more likely to give the money to state institutions. Our recommendations are as follows:
• Donors must take the second-order effects of GovTech initiatives seriously and develop mechanisms to carefully evaluate the risks of unintended consequences. In many cases, support for GovTech projects is overly optimistic regarding their effects on political openness. Adopting a more context-sensitive and realistic approach demands detailed political economy assessments before supporting GovTech projects and developing monitoring metrics that capture potential regime-legitimation effects.
• Donors need to build stronger safety guardrails into these projects. Depending on the political economy assessments, such measures could include the institutional involvement of international organisations or, if feasible, local NGOs (as conditionality) in platform oversight, mandatory independent audits and open data standards by design, among others.
• Finally, donors need to consider actively participating in public communication on these platforms, with visible donor branding, to counter government-controlled propaganda, claim credit for service delivery and strengthen trust in donor countries and organisations.

International donors commit substantial resources to GovTech projects (the application of information and communication technologies to government functions). World Bank GovTech investments alone have exceeded $118 billion over the last three decades. Donor strategy documents consistently frame digital transformation not only as a vehicle for improved effectiveness but also for strengthening democracy.
Autocrats are equally invested in these tools. Globally, at least 88 authoritarian regimes currently operate GovTech projects, and electoral autocracies receive the largest share of GovTech aid (48.6 per cent of commitments). Beyond well-known surveillance applications, autocracies deploy GovTech for service delivery, grievance redress and even citizen engagement. These platforms are deployed to project an image of responsiveness and legitimacy. Our experimental evidence from Turkey shows how efficiency-enhancing GovTech tools, when paired with sophisticated regime communication, can durably entrench autocratic rule. We designed a survey experiment focused on CIMER, Turkey’s widely used citizen petition platform, to examine how citizens respond to the government propaganda surrounding it. The results show that the government’s framing of CIMER as an effective tool that “gets things done” significantly increased trust in authoritarian institutions, even among regime opponents. The effect extended beyond attitudes to behaviour: Asked to allocate a hypothetical donation of money among state institutions, independent non-governmental organisations (NGOs) or themselves, anti-government respondents exposed to messages on the platform were significantly more likely to give the money to state institutions. Our recommendations are as follows:
• Donors must take the second-order effects of GovTech initiatives seriously and develop mechanisms to carefully evaluate the risks of unintended consequences. In many cases, support for GovTech projects is overly optimistic regarding their effects on political openness. Adopting a more context-sensitive and realistic approach demands detailed political economy assessments before supporting GovTech projects and developing monitoring metrics that capture potential regime-legitimation effects.
• Donors need to build stronger safety guardrails into these projects. Depending on the political economy assessments, such measures could include the institutional involvement of international organisations or, if feasible, local NGOs (as conditionality) in platform oversight, mandatory independent audits and open data standards by design, among others.
• Finally, donors need to consider actively participating in public communication on these platforms, with visible donor branding, to counter government-controlled propaganda, claim credit for service delivery and strengthen trust in donor countries and organisations.

Depuis la création de la Coupe du monde en 1930, seules huit nations ont réussi à inscrire leur nom au palmarès de la compétition la plus prestigieuse du football. Du premier sacre de l’Uruguay à Montevideo jusqu’au triomphe récent de l’Argentine au Qatar, l’histoire du Mondial est dominée par un cercle très fermé de pays champions du monde.

A terveknek megfelelően halad a Volvo Kassa melletti gyárának építése, ősszel kezdődik a próbagyártás, és 2027-ben indítják be teljes kapacitással az üzemet. Jelenleg 600 alkalmazottja van a gyárnak, júniusban még 70-et vesznek fel, az év végéig pedig további 700-at – közölte Marc Gombeer, a Volvo Cars Košice igazgatója.

TASR: A Fekete-víz (Čierna voda) feletti M392-es híd felújítása miatt szombaton (5. 23.) 6:00 és 20:00 óra között teljesen szélességében lezárják a Diószeg és Nagyfödémes közötti másodrendű utat – tájékoztatta a TASR-t a nagyszombati megyeháza.

Ha május derekán parlamenti választást tartottak volna, a Progresszív Szlovákia győzött volna a szavazatok 19,7%-ával – derült ki az Ipsos ügynökség Denník N megbízásából készített felméréséből, amelyet május 15. és 20. között végeztek 1.009 személy lekérdezésével.

Une délégation de chercheurs et experts venus de plusieurs centres de réflexion américains a été reçue à Alger dans un contexte marqué par la mise […]

L’article Climat des affaires en Algérie : quelles perspectives après la visite des think tanks américains ? est apparu en premier sur .

2026. 5. 22. Az SaS sajtótájékoztatója

Dans le cadre de l’amélioration continue de ses services numériques, Algérie Poste a annoncé ce jeudi l’adoption d’une nouvelle mise à jour de l’interface de […]

L’article Algérie Poste : ce qui va changer dans les distributeurs automatiques est apparu en premier sur .

À quelques jours de la Tabaski, une atmosphère morose règne à Bamako. Les moutons se font rares et leurs prix, comme ceux des denrées alimentaires, sont en forte hausse. Selon plusieurs témoignages, les difficultés d’approvisionnement et l’insécurité liée aux récentes attaques expliquent cette situation.

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Bögellőnél végeztek műszaki mentést a tűzoltók, ahol egy autó a csatornában kötött ki a közúti hídnál. A személyautóban nem volt senki, üzemanyag-szivárgás nem történt.

Written by Györgyi Mácsai

Rising EU imports of goods from Mexico compensated for a slight decrease in exports, and reversed the trend of a growing trade surplus, which still amounts to €19.1 billion in favour of the EU. Mexico ranks as the EU’s 11th most important trade partner, with a share of 1.7 % of total EU trade with the world, while the EU ranks third on the list of Mexico’s main trade partners, with a share of 6.7 %, slightly lower than in 2024.

Read this ‘at a glance’ note on ‘EU-Mexico trade and investment relations‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Le parquet près le tribunal de Sfisef, dans la wilaya de Sidi Bel Abbes, a annoncé ce jeudi la condamnation de quatre personnes à cinq […]

L’article Fuite des sujets du BEM : 4 condamnations à la prison ferme et une lourde amende prononcées est apparu en premier sur .

A rendőrség veszélyes fenyegetés bűncselekményével gyanúsított meg egy fiatalkorút, aki szerdán Szobráncon fenyegetőzött, és egy éles tárgy is volt nála.